Urban and transport planners in developed countries have not been particularly sensitive to women's travel issues in the past. According to some extreme opinions (E.g., 16,17), the city was deliberately structured to place men and women in separate spheres, and as the city adjusts over time to the universal mobility provided by the automobile, it is doing so in a social environment which insures the continued existence of those separate spheres.

While the author of this paper doesn't fully agree with this accusation, he is of the opinion that there are great differences between travel needs of men and women and that these differences are not taken into account in planning of transport systems. In addition, the differences in needs and preferences are only partially disclosed by travel surveys because observed travel pattern are to some extent affected by transport services provided.

This paper deals with the following four main topics: travel patterns, security aspects of transport, motorization and telecommuting. The final point contains selected conclusions and recommendations.

While, in the process of transportation planning, a lot of effort is devoted to surveying and forecasting transport demand, it is astonishing how seldom differences in travel behaviour of men and women are studied. In typical studies, several categories of travellers are considered, but gender is only exceptionally used as explanatory variable. It is difficult to understand this lack of interest because empirical findings disclose that the current travel patterns, attitudes and preferences of women are noticeably different from those of men.

From a limited search through the literature, it has been found that the topic of this paper was studied in a more systematic way in Sweden, the U.K. and the U.S. Issues relating to the situation of women in human settlements in developing countries have been intensively studied by the United Nations agencies and the World Bank.

From the available literature it seems that the differences between man and woman travel behaviour and needs were first noticed in the United States. For instance, the Conference on Women's Travel Issues organised by the U.S. Department of Transportation was held at the National Academy of Science in 1978 [14].

Results of research on American cities show that there are substantial differences between the travel patterns of men and women, even when considering commuting. Women make shorter work trips, make greater use of public transit, make more trips for the purpose of serving another person's travel needs, and drive far fewer miles per year than men.

These differences in travel are attributed by M. Wachs [16] to the evolution of separate spheres that delineate the social responsibilities of men and women. Man's sphere has traditionally been the workplace and woman's, the home, and transportation systems were built with the conscious purpose of separating those functional spheres in geographic space. This was the case when new transit systems were built at the end of the last century and the suburbanization of middle﷓ and upper﷓class residences ensued. As the automobile became the dominant mode of transportation in the 1920s, the idea of separate spheres was extended to that vehicle, and social conventions developed regarding appropriate uses of the automobile by men and women. These uses differed for the two sexes, and sex﷓based stereotypes were used to reinforce the division between man's and woman's worlds. Many of the sex﷓role definitions that were established decades ago have remained, and women's work is still defined within limits associated with their special domain. It is important that transportation planners consider the special travel needs of women because they are indeed the product of conscious policies that have been pursued in the past".

In another article [17], quoted earlier, the same author pointed out that, while women have entered the work force in very large numbers, they still make work trips which are on average substantially shorter than men's and make many more trips for the purpose of serving passengers (delivering someone to a destination). Three reasons are given to explain why women live closer to their jobs than do men: women are paid substantially lower salaries than men; recent suburbanization of service and retail activity has resulted in "women's" jobs being more evenly distributed across the urban landscape than the professional and technical jobs which are more typically held by men; and, even as they enter the workforce, women retain their family obligations as nurturers, shoppers, and homemakers. It is concluded that women's travel patterns will continue to differ substantially from those of men.

Not only working women were considered in research. For instance, S. Rosenbloom [11] focused on elderly women. She found that more women over 65 live alone than live with spouses or relatives and that both the number and the percentage are expected to grow. These women, regardless of income, face growing mobility losses.

Results of several projects carried out in the U.K. were published in [3, 10]. Generally, it was found that women's travel needs can be analysed explicitly in terms of their gender role. Women's travel patterns depend essentially on activity organisation within the home and the ability to budget these activities within time and space. The position of women is changing in relation to parallel changes in land use patterns and travel mobility.

Although the dramatic rise in the number of working women, especially working mothers, has substantially increased women's travel needs, there has not been a corresponding rise in women's mobility. This discrepancy has arisen partly because fewer women have access to cars or are able to drive; as a result, they depend more on public transport services. There are also three types of low mobility arising from women's gender role: (1) the effect of family role playing on patterns of women's car availability; (2) the impact of gender related tasks inside and outside the home on women's access to opportunities; (3) problems arising from the conditions under which women travel. In conclusion it can be stated that concern with gender is critical for any thorough analysis of transport behaviour.

A very detailed and clear picture of women's transport needs in London was obtained as a result of the 'Women on the Move' survey, commissioned by the former Greater London Council between 1984 and 1986. The study used the data of the Greater London Transportation Survey (1981) and the London Travel Survey. The results were summarized as follows: (1) although the survey data enable initial identification of women's transport and travel needs, further data are required to provide an adequate assessment of problems in women's accessibility to transport and employment; (2) the results of the surveys indicate clearly that the public transport system in London is not yet designed to meet women's travel needs; (3) women need a public transport system which is not only safe but perceived by them to be safe; (4) women's mobility and especially accessibility are reduced, because the public transport system does not meet many women's needs and because cars are much less available to women than to men.

In another study [3, chapter 2], the differences in travel behaviour are placed in a historical context by considering the decline in public transport and the rise of private motoring since 1945. The mobility difference between men and women were linked with gender inequality at three levels: (1) sociological; (2) psychological; (3) biological. Analysis concentrated on women's position in the social structure, but also considered the role of socialisation and physical characteristics.

Research included a qualitative empirical study of women's transport needs in West Yorkshire and a study of the impact of the deregulation of bus services on women's lives. The authors concluded that: (1) women's transport needs in the UK are poorly met by current transport policy and provision; (2) there are several ways in which women bear the costs of specific transport policies and projects while receiving disproportionally few of the benefits; (3) several trends in land use planning during recent decades have contributed to women's transport disadvantage; (4) current indications for reduced gender inequalities in transport are not hopeful.

In a study [5] it was found that the number of married women working outside the home continues to grow, questions arise as to the impact of a wife's employment on household travel patterns. The authors examined the effects of a wife's employment status on her own travel activity pattern and on that of her husband. Using data from the Uppsala household travel survey, in which sample﷓household members kept detailed travel diaries for 35 days, the authors first compared the travel patterns of married women employed full time with those of married women employed part time and married women not working outside the home. They then compared the travel patterns of the three corresponding groups of husbands.

Measures of travel activity patterns that were used included indices of overall travel frequency for different purposes, amount of time spent and distances travelled for different purposes, indices of the level of variety in the individual's destination choice set, and measures of mode use.

The results showed that women employed full﷓time do reduce their participation in some non﷓work activities although their distances travelled to activity sites were not shorter than those travelled by the other women. Few significant intergroup differences distinguished the travel activity patterns of the three groups of men.

The evidence suggests that a woman's full﷓time employment does bring significant changes to her own travel pattern but has little impact on that of her husband. The paper concluded with a discussion of policy implications and a review of several Swedish programs that could eventually result in greater similarity in the travel activity patterns of men and women.

Case of Poland can be considered as typical for countries of Central Europe. In the period of centrally planned economy, 57 -59 per cent of women (above 15) were employed (men - 74 - 77 per cent). This led to relatively high mobility rates.

In the period of transition, there are rapid changes. In the process of restructuring of the national economy, the number of jobs in some sectors previously dominated by women (such as textile industry) was reduced. On the other hand, a very rapid growth of a private sector (first of all, services and commerce) generated many new jobs. Nevertheless, as a result of political and economic reforms, the share of economically active women decreased to 53.5 per cent (Febr.1993).

Changes were not only in numbers, but also locational. While in the past, most of jobs were concentrated in one-function zones (such as industrial districts), at present there are more evenly distributed. There are several implications of these changes for travel patterns: the reduced number of people commuting to the old employment zones, commuting to dispersed new work places (generally, shorter trips), and reduced need to travel long distances to shops and services.

Statistical data on new travel patterns are limited. Only Warsaw completed the travel survey after 1990 [18]. Results concerning differences between mobilities of men and women are shown in table 1. It is visible that the total mobility rates for women are higher than for men. However, the difference is caused by the higher number of walking trips made by women. Man make more trips by mechanised transport means.

Table 1

Mobility rates in Warsaw: trips per day per person above 6
Age group Number of trips per day
Male Female
Total Not-walking Total Not-walking

7-15 2.58 0.84 2.56 1.10
16-25 2.72 2.34 3.05 2.35
26-39 2.79 2.38 2.96 1.91
40-60 2.67 2.31 2.84 2.11
 60 2.35 1.66 2.12 1.26
Average 2.63 2.00 2.70 1.81

It has to be admitted that, in less developed countries, problems of women in urban and rural development, including transport issues, are more studied by various organizations and institutions such as the United Nations and the World Bank. This is probably, because severity of the problem is much higher.

In the poorer countries, women shoulder most of the problems resulting from lack of transport infrastructure and services. Rural women walk long distances carrying water and firewood daily. Deprived of transport services, they carry all that is bought and sold. "They travel greater distances to perform low-paid, low-status, unstable jobs. The conflicts they confront between home and "work" grow as working at greater distances from home involves greater sacrifices to be made for the care of children who neither have the possibility of being cared by formal institutions nor by kinship and community based support network" [8].

From the above review of information on differences between travel patterns of men and women, the following conclusions can be drawn:

(1) In the past, transportation studies have not been particularly oriented to women's travel issues, but the methods and data are generally available. Data collected during typical home interview surveys can be used to understand aggregate trends in women's travel patterns which are related to changes in role, household structure, resource allocation, and attitudes.

(2) Even from limited information it is clear that travel patterns of men and women differ. Women travel shorter distances , in less uniform way (in time and space), nad more likely by foot and public transport. While comparisons of travel patterns of women to those of other groups have shown fewer and shorter trips, and a lesser use of automobiles, a newer indicator, travel time over the twenty﷓four hour day, reveals that working women with children may have shorter time durations for work, household, and leisure trips.

(3) It is not clear at all, to what extent observed travel behaviour reflect the real travel needs. Because the transport systems are traditionally planned and operated taking into account only some categories of trips (such as commuting), it can be expected that there is a latent demand for additional travel which would be undertaken if the system offers additional services.

SECURITY AS A PROBLEM

In cities all over the world, high and growing personal insecurity is becoming one of main problems affecting women's living conditions. Studies on personal security problems faced by women travelling were undertaken, among others, in the UK. In [3], the results of several surveys that have examined the influence of women's perceptions of personal security on their travel decisions were described. There is definite evidence of the widespread and serious nature of British women's fears about travelling, especially at night. The principal factors affecting levels of apprehension are: (1) age; (2) race; (3) sexual orientations; (4) economic status (cars and taxis are perceived to be safest); (5) activity levels and the presence of other people; (6) time of day; (7) lighting; (8) tidiness and cleanliness; (9) frequency of travel (women who travel more are less fearful).

High levels of perceived insecurity were found, particularly for walking at night, in parks and subways and when waiting for public transport services in isolated areas [13]. Around two-thirds of women are afraid to go out at night alone and significant numbers will not use public transport, and are worried about city centre car parks. There is a great difference between man and woman as far as perceived risk is concerned. For instance, in Islington (1985) 73 per cent of women and only 27 per cent of men felt worried about going out alone at night. Generally, women try to avoid unsafe areas like subways and waiting at public transport stops. The authors claim that "the centres of most European cities (in other countries - W.S.) are comparatively safe for women". This is only partially true, because situation in some cities of central and eastern Europe is similar.

Cities are going through car-induced restructuring. Decreasing residential density, dispersion of shopping, services and leisure facilities etc. make urban areas less safe, especially for those not driving.

One of the developments in urban public transport which contributed to the growth of insecurity was one person operation (OPO) of buses and tramways. OPO has several significant disadvantages for passengers, including some that are more strongly felt by women passengers than by men (especially absence of help from a conductor, and feelings of insecurity).

Giving consideration to safety would have a definite impact on urban and transport planning and design. Some practical recommendations are formulated in the last section of this paper.

NEED FOR RESEARCH

There are several areas where further research is needed. First of all, travel needs as a basis for predictions of travel behaviour must be studied taking into consideration and varying preferences of men and women. The predictions of travel behaviour requires to consider how the growing involvement of women in the paid labor force and the increasing number of female headed families would impact the complex relationship of employment opportunities, residential location choice, and travel behaviour. Observed trend of increased proportion of part-time employed women has a considerable impact on travel patterns which has to be examined. Also specific needs of the increasing number of elderly women living alone should be taken into account.

In addition, two questions relating to the technological and logistic developments deserve wider discussion: motorization and telecommuting.

Conventional view is that the car is more essential for the man than for the woman. Statistics generally show that women drive less than men and "it is sometimes suggested that one of the reasons of this is that women are relatively less enthusiastic about driving" [1]. Furthermore, opinion are often expressed that women are worse drivers and create more danger on the road. Surveys and statistics refute these suggestions. For instance, in Warsaw, in 1993, women constituted 18 per cent of all drivers of passenger cars observed in traffic, but the share of women involved in accidents (not necessarily responsible) was below 14 per cent.

This points were raised because in ongoing discussions on sustainable mobility and, more specifically, on ways to reduce car use, some planners are concerned with growing share of car trips (and vehicle-kilometers driven) made by women. This trend is considered as not desirable, because high proportion of these trips are in not-obligatory category (shopping, leisure etc.).

Clearly, these views can be questioned not only on the ground of equity consideration. According to the prevailing views, rational urban transport policy should discourage the use of private automobile for commuting, especially to the most congested central areas and concentrations of work places. Other trips, to more dispersed destinations and not so much concentrated in time, contribute less to traffic congestion and parking problems.

It is worth noting that, according to results of a survey of attitudes toward the car which was carried out in the U.K. in 1989 [1], women appeared much more sensitive to environmental and other problems caused by excessive car traffic.

For instance, if there were a danger that car fumes seriously damaged the environment, 48 per cent of women would use their car less compared to 32 per cent of men. Also women were likely to be more influenced to reduce their milage by social pressure than men.

Conclusion was that "women are less attached to their cars and would be more adaptable to the transport problems of the future". However, in this connection, question should be asked whether it is fair to use this readiness of women to resign from convenience of personal vehicle to solve transport problems of others?

Telecommuting is one of the most recent answers to problems created by excessive traveling. Although it is still at a very early stage, it is considered as promising solution.

Computer and telecommunications advances (computer networks, FAX machines, electronic mail, etc.) have widened the choice of workplace for some category of workers. They can work wherever these tools are available, including at home. As a result, in the U.S., as much as 30 per cent of the labour force now works at home at least part of the time [15]. An estimated two million of these people are full-time employees who work only at home or in satellite telework centers located near or in residential areas. Almost half of telecommuters are women, what means that a higher proportion of working women belongs to this category. It is expected that the number of workers practicing telecommuting could reach 7.5 to 15 million within a decade.

At the first sight, telecommuting option to work at home seems to be an ideal solution, giving employees extreme flexibility in schedule and life style. "Child care can be accommodated more easily and for many people with primary child care responsibility work-at-home maybe the only employment option. On the other hand, it does not provide the social interaction that nor,al work offers. Maintenance of a clear distinction between work and home life can be difficult for some, leading to stress and burnout"[15]. Other implications include accelerating urban sprawl.

While it is to early to formulate a definite conclusions, it seems that telecommuting represents an attractive interesting option to many categories of workers.

SUMMARY AND CONCLUSIONS

(1) Empirical findings are that the current travel patterns and attitudes of women were noticeably different from those of men. The existing transport systems does not fit the travel demands of women with multiple roles at work and in the family. Access to employment and to community facilities is limited.

Travel is traded off by women as a discretionary activity in favor of obligatory time requirements. Compensatory policies should be designed to release time for travel directly by alteration of work and household organization, and indirectly by changes in land use and transportation programs.

(2) The extent and value of current research on women's travel issues is inadequate and additional research is needed, for instance, on the following topics:

(a) The impact of regional and urban development and of governmental transportation programs on various groups in society with emphasis on evaluation of the situation in terms of effectiveness and equity.

(b) The prediction of travel behavior: studies how the growing involvement of women in the paid labor force and the increasing number of female headed families would impact the complex relationship of employment opportunities, residential location choice, and travel behavior.

(c) The role of motorization in the society with emphasis on varying needs and preferences of men and women.

(d) Consequences of the most recent technological advances allowing telecommuting, teleshopping, telebanking etc. on travel needs.

(3) Personal security of travellers is an important but neglected issue, deserving of greater attention by urban and transport planners. Potential measures include:

(a) Promoting urban structures with mixed uses (see point below). Revitalizing of city centers by introducing diverse activities. Developing intensively used, well-lit corridors of activities.

(b) Design of streets, pathways, car parks, pedestrian crossings etc. in such a way that safety is improved. Avoiding pedestrian subways which belong to most dangerous elements of the transport system.

(c) Improved frequency and reliability as well as policing and staffing of public transport services.

(d) Promoting the demand﷓responsive service which utilizes smaller vehicles (minibuses or taxis) which are better suited to low or medium density areas with dispersed travel patterns and during less busy time than conventional fixed﷓route bus service.